The 1940s cohort had finally made it to the White House. But with the Cold War over America would find a new enemy: itself

4. 1994 - Welcome to paradise

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The 1940s generation had lived their lives under the shadow of the Cold War. Now it was gone – and one of their number was in the White House at last, presiding over a booming, globalising economy. Bill Clinton had largely accepted Ronald Reagan’s economics. So was this the end of old antagonisms? Not so much.

The 1940s generation had lived their lives under the shadow of the Cold War. Now it was gone – and one of their number was in the White House at last, presiding over a booming, globalising economy. Bill Clinton had largely accepted Ronald Reagan’s economics. So was this the end of old antagonisms? Not so much.

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John Prideaux [00:00:11] Space Shuttle Endeavour launched from the Kennedy Space Centre in Florida to fulfil a mission for president Bill Clinton.

John Prideaux [00:00:11] Space Shuttle Endeavour launched from the Kennedy Space Centre in Florida to fulfil a mission for president Bill Clinton.

NASA [00:00:19] One and lift-off of the space shuttle endeavour on the first Spacehab mission and the retrieval of the Eureka spacecraft.

NASA [00:00:19] One and lift-off of the space shuttle endeavour on the first Spacehab mission and the retrieval of the Eureka spacecraft.

John Prideaux [00:00:27] Once the astronauts were in space. Clinton called them from the white House.

John Prideaux [00:00:27] Once the astronauts were in space. Clinton called them from the white House.

Bill Clinton [00:00:31] Colonel, can you hear me? So it’s finally broken up. Well, we can hear you. And we are looking at you. You all look wonderful while you’re locked up.

Bill Clinton [00:00:31] Colonel, can you hear me? So it’s finally broken up. Well, we can hear you. And we are looking at you. You all look wonderful while you’re locked up.

John Prideaux [00:00:43] The plans for an international space station began under President Reagan as a project called freedom, which aimed to create a permanent Western presence in space. Back then, it was a symbol of Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union. But by the time Clinton took office, the USSR had collapsed and the project had an important difference. He invited the Russians to merge their space station with his brother. In 1994, Russian and American astronauts spoke to each other from their respective spacecraft. In a televised interview on ABC’s Good Morning America.

John Prideaux [00:00:43] The plans for an international space station began under President Reagan as a project called freedom, which aimed to create a permanent Western presence in space. Back then, it was a symbol of Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union. But by the time Clinton took office, the USSR had collapsed and the project had an important difference. He invited the Russians to merge their space station with his brother. In 1994, Russian and American astronauts spoke to each other from their respective spacecraft. In a televised interview on ABC’s Good Morning America.

Bill Clinton [00:01:20] Cooperation flies in the hand of the entire humanity, particularly of the countries and the powers, as the United States and Russia. We were only sorry that we didn’t start this earlier.

Bill Clinton [00:01:20] Cooperation flies in the hand of the entire humanity, particularly of the countries and the powers, as the United States and Russia. We were only sorry that we didn’t start this earlier.

John Prideaux [00:01:37] It was a symbol of global unity and a post-Cold War era. But it also underlined America’s standing as the world’s sole superpower.

John Prideaux [00:01:37] It was a symbol of global unity and a post-Cold War era. But it also underlined America’s standing as the world’s sole superpower.

Bill Clinton [00:01:46] The American people. And watching you today can see one area of human endeavour in which we are indisputably continuing to lead the world and bringing other countries into partnership. Good luck and God bless you all.

Bill Clinton [00:01:46] The American people. And watching you today can see one area of human endeavour in which we are indisputably continuing to lead the world and bringing other countries into partnership. Good luck and God bless you all.

John Prideaux [00:02:01] With the arrival of Bill Clinton, the Americans born in the 1940s had finally taken the white House. While the glow of America’s Cold War victory was still warm. This generation had the world at their feet.

John Prideaux [00:02:01] With the arrival of Bill Clinton, the Americans born in the 1940s had finally taken the white House. While the glow of America’s Cold War victory was still warm. This generation had the world at their feet.

Astronaut [00:02:14] Yes, those doors opened, and I got my first glimpse of the earth from 250 miles. It was just absolutely spectacular.

Astronaut [00:02:14] Yes, those doors opened, and I got my first glimpse of the earth from 250 miles. It was just absolutely spectacular.

John Prideaux [00:02:22] With unparalleled influence and opportunity. How would they shape it? Welcome to boom, the generation that blew up American politics. I’m John Prideaux, The Economist’s US editor. In this series, I’m telling the political history of Americans born in the 1940s through their eyes, in six years. Episode four 1994. Welcome to Paradise.

John Prideaux [00:02:22] With unparalleled influence and opportunity. How would they shape it? Welcome to boom, the generation that blew up American politics. I’m John Prideaux, The Economist’s US editor. In this series, I’m telling the political history of Americans born in the 1940s through their eyes, in six years. Episode four 1994. Welcome to Paradise.

Bill Bradley [00:03:10] We played the, Soviet team in the finals of the Olympics. And, it had all of the trappings of the Cold War.

Bill Bradley [00:03:10] We played the, Soviet team in the finals of the Olympics. And, it had all of the trappings of the Cold War.

John Prideaux [00:03:20] Bill Bradley is from a small town in Missouri. As a young athlete, he beat the Soviet Union basketball team at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics Final. He went on to be a Rhodes Scholar, three years ahead of Clinton and an NBA Hall of Famer. By the end of the Cold War, the Olympian, nicknamed dollar Bill, had been a Democrat in the United States Senate for more than a decade.

John Prideaux [00:03:20] Bill Bradley is from a small town in Missouri. As a young athlete, he beat the Soviet Union basketball team at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics Final. He went on to be a Rhodes Scholar, three years ahead of Clinton and an NBA Hall of Famer. By the end of the Cold War, the Olympian, nicknamed dollar Bill, had been a Democrat in the United States Senate for more than a decade.

Bill Bradley [00:03:43] I retired from basketball cold in April of one year and I April the following year. I was kind of running and in November I was elected. I was the youngest senator, 35, representing the state of new Jersey.

Bill Bradley [00:03:43] I retired from basketball cold in April of one year and I April the following year. I was kind of running and in November I was elected. I was the youngest senator, 35, representing the state of new Jersey.

John Prideaux [00:03:59] Bradley had grown up with the Soviets as rivals, but by the early 1990s his perspective had shifted. He became one of the main backers of the Freedom Support Act.

John Prideaux [00:03:59] Bradley had grown up with the Soviets as rivals, but by the early 1990s his perspective had shifted. He became one of the main backers of the Freedom Support Act.

Bill Bradley [00:04:10] It created an exchange program that brought Russian-Ukrainian cause, Kyrgyzstan’s, Georgian kids to live with American families for a year.

Bill Bradley [00:04:10] It created an exchange program that brought Russian-Ukrainian cause, Kyrgyzstan’s, Georgian kids to live with American families for a year.

John Prideaux [00:04:21] In 1994, Bradley walked 127 miles of the new Jersey coastline from Cape May to Sandy hook, stopping at each town along the route. It had become an annual tradition, and the journey provided him with a chance to reflect on his newly defined objectives as a senator.

John Prideaux [00:04:21] In 1994, Bradley walked 127 miles of the new Jersey coastline from Cape May to Sandy hook, stopping at each town along the route. It had become an annual tradition, and the journey provided him with a chance to reflect on his newly defined objectives as a senator.

Bill Bradley [00:04:38] Yeah, we responsibility to our states, but we also a responsibility to our country. And we have a responsibility to the world.

Bill Bradley [00:04:38] Yeah, we responsibility to our states, but we also a responsibility to our country. And we have a responsibility to the world.

John Prideaux [00:04:49] The end of the Cold War brought back the feeling of limitless potential that had defined the boomers youth, just as they became the dominant generation in politics. 1994 was the first year in which the cohort, born in the 1940s and early 1950s, comprised over half of the elected officials in the House and the Senate. Barbara Boxer, a California liberal, had worked in journalism and finance before turning to politics.

John Prideaux [00:04:49] The end of the Cold War brought back the feeling of limitless potential that had defined the boomers youth, just as they became the dominant generation in politics. 1994 was the first year in which the cohort, born in the 1940s and early 1950s, comprised over half of the elected officials in the House and the Senate. Barbara Boxer, a California liberal, had worked in journalism and finance before turning to politics.

Barbara Boxer [00:05:15] I knocked on one door. A woman said, oh, I know who you are. And I said, oh, will you vote for me?

Barbara Boxer [00:05:15] I knocked on one door. A woman said, oh, I know who you are. And I said, oh, will you vote for me?

John Prideaux [00:05:22] It hadn’t been an easy transition.

John Prideaux [00:05:22] It hadn’t been an easy transition.

Barbara Boxer [00:05:25] And she said, well, you have four children and you’re leaving them to run. I said, first of all, I don’t. I have two children. She said, I personally know you have 40 children. And I said, lady, I don’t know if you’ve ever given birth, but I did it twice. And, you know, forget how many times you gave birth. And I thought that women wouldn’t vote for me if I caught, like, an intercontinental ballistic missile with my hand in front of her house. So that was the kind of thing you face, and I. I’m glad to say I tried again for the same office four years later, and I won.

Barbara Boxer [00:05:25] And she said, well, you have four children and you’re leaving them to run. I said, first of all, I don’t. I have two children. She said, I personally know you have 40 children. And I said, lady, I don’t know if you’ve ever given birth, but I did it twice. And, you know, forget how many times you gave birth. And I thought that women wouldn’t vote for me if I caught, like, an intercontinental ballistic missile with my hand in front of her house. So that was the kind of thing you face, and I. I’m glad to say I tried again for the same office four years later, and I won.

John Prideaux [00:06:05] In the early 90s, Barbara Boxer joined Bill Bradley in the Senate. One Boomer politician described it as a seamless move away from the Communist era into what he called the freedom era. This was the boomers time.

John Prideaux [00:06:05] In the early 90s, Barbara Boxer joined Bill Bradley in the Senate. One Boomer politician described it as a seamless move away from the Communist era into what he called the freedom era. This was the boomers time.

Barbara Boxer [00:06:19] We saw the Cold War come to an end. It was amazing time, and I certainly got my credentials in terms of fighting for peace in the world. You know.

Barbara Boxer [00:06:19] We saw the Cold War come to an end. It was amazing time, and I certainly got my credentials in terms of fighting for peace in the world. You know.

John Prideaux [00:06:29] Chuck Hagel, the Vietnam veteran and cell phone entrepreneur, began to mull a Senate run of his own.

John Prideaux [00:06:29] Chuck Hagel, the Vietnam veteran and cell phone entrepreneur, began to mull a Senate run of his own.

Chuck Hagel [00:06:35] I saw things changing so much. And you had a new generation coming on the scene too. And obviously, with Clinton’s emergence, baby boomer generation was going to be in charge from here on out.

Chuck Hagel [00:06:35] I saw things changing so much. And you had a new generation coming on the scene too. And obviously, with Clinton’s emergence, baby boomer generation was going to be in charge from here on out.

John Prideaux [00:07:00] Bill Clinton was the boomer in chief. Under his leadership, the economy had turned around from the early 90s recession in 1994. GDP grew 4% and 3.3 million new jobs were created, the most in a decade. Embodying the mood of a year in which anything seemed possible. Clinton had risen from a turbulent childhood in rural Arkansas to become the first boomer to occupy the Oval Office. As a teenager, Clinton was dazzled to meet President John F Kennedy, and his early life was in sympathy with Kennedy’s brand of 60s social liberalism. But at Georgetown University, he was influenced by free market economics. He broke political boundaries to merge the two, becoming a new Democrat.

John Prideaux [00:07:00] Bill Clinton was the boomer in chief. Under his leadership, the economy had turned around from the early 90s recession in 1994. GDP grew 4% and 3.3 million new jobs were created, the most in a decade. Embodying the mood of a year in which anything seemed possible. Clinton had risen from a turbulent childhood in rural Arkansas to become the first boomer to occupy the Oval Office. As a teenager, Clinton was dazzled to meet President John F Kennedy, and his early life was in sympathy with Kennedy’s brand of 60s social liberalism. But at Georgetown University, he was influenced by free market economics. He broke political boundaries to merge the two, becoming a new Democrat.

Bill Clinton [00:07:46] As we expand opportunity and create jobs. No one can be left out. We must continue to enforce fair lending and fair housing and all civil rights laws, because America will never be complete in its renewal until everyone shares in its bounty.

Bill Clinton [00:07:46] As we expand opportunity and create jobs. No one can be left out. We must continue to enforce fair lending and fair housing and all civil rights laws, because America will never be complete in its renewal until everyone shares in its bounty.

John Prideaux [00:08:01] By 1994, John Judis had been writing for The New Republic for a decade and had written two books. He saw Clinton and his supporters had made peace with Reagan’s new right.

John Prideaux [00:08:01] By 1994, John Judis had been writing for The New Republic for a decade and had written two books. He saw Clinton and his supporters had made peace with Reagan’s new right.

John Judis [00:08:12] They were free traders, you know, pro-business in terms of tax distribution and things like that. And Clinton followed a lot of those policies, and to some extent, they were popular in the 90s because it was a boom period.

John Judis [00:08:12] They were free traders, you know, pro-business in terms of tax distribution and things like that. And Clinton followed a lot of those policies, and to some extent, they were popular in the 90s because it was a boom period.

John Prideaux [00:08:34] The boom he presided over was in full swing, and American corporate culture was all conquering. Consulting firms like McKinsey proliferated, and companies like McDonald’s blanketed the globe. It was opening a new restaurant every five hours. At the same time, a new engine for productivity emerged in the form of the internet.

John Prideaux [00:08:34] The boom he presided over was in full swing, and American corporate culture was all conquering. Consulting firms like McKinsey proliferated, and companies like McDonald’s blanketed the globe. It was opening a new restaurant every five hours. At the same time, a new engine for productivity emerged in the form of the internet.

Newsreader [00:08:56] Internet is, that massive computer network, the one that’s becoming really big now.

Newsreader [00:08:56] Internet is, that massive computer network, the one that’s becoming really big now.

Newsreader [00:09:03] What do you mean, that’s big? How does one and what do you write to it, like mail?

Newsreader [00:09:03] What do you mean, that’s big? How does one and what do you write to it, like mail?

Newsreader [00:09:06] Allison, can you explain what internet is?

Newsreader [00:09:06] Allison, can you explain what internet is?

John Prideaux [00:09:10] From January 1993 to January 1994, online activity increased by a factor of 2300.

John Prideaux [00:09:10] From January 1993 to January 1994, online activity increased by a factor of 2300.

Advertisement [00:09:22] And ten you gave the bikers love to love. I mean, if you take your game on TV, you’ll never guess what I got you at Amazon.com.

Advertisement [00:09:22] And ten you gave the bikers love to love. I mean, if you take your game on TV, you’ll never guess what I got you at Amazon.com.

John Prideaux [00:09:33] In July 1994, Jeff Bezos founded the Amazon store in his garage just outside Seattle, and a year later, it opened online.

John Prideaux [00:09:33] In July 1994, Jeff Bezos founded the Amazon store in his garage just outside Seattle, and a year later, it opened online.

Advertisement [00:09:42] Guess what? I got you at Amazon. The.

Advertisement [00:09:42] Guess what? I got you at Amazon. The.

John Prideaux [00:09:50] Microsoft, the behemoth behind the newly ubiquitous windows software, was based nearby, along with a bunch of other icons of the early 1990s. Starbucks, the Emmy winning sitcom Frasier, and grunge gods Nirvana. At the start of 1994, a year into Clinton’s presidency, his centrism seemed to have triumphed. It formed the foundation of a new political establishment. Looking out from the capital. Liberal boomer politicians were not unlike the astronauts working on the International Space Station. They all saw the world stretched out before them, as if the arc of history was bending inexorably toward progress and unity with America at its centre.

John Prideaux [00:09:50] Microsoft, the behemoth behind the newly ubiquitous windows software, was based nearby, along with a bunch of other icons of the early 1990s. Starbucks, the Emmy winning sitcom Frasier, and grunge gods Nirvana. At the start of 1994, a year into Clinton’s presidency, his centrism seemed to have triumphed. It formed the foundation of a new political establishment. Looking out from the capital. Liberal boomer politicians were not unlike the astronauts working on the International Space Station. They all saw the world stretched out before them, as if the arc of history was bending inexorably toward progress and unity with America at its centre.

Newsreader [00:11:11] We’ve received a report of a gun in the car. The car is heading north, which would be toward Los Angeles. We picked it up in Orange County.

Newsreader [00:11:11] We’ve received a report of a gun in the car. The car is heading north, which would be toward Los Angeles. We picked it up in Orange County.

Judy Woodruff [00:11:20] All the cable channels were following him with helicopters over the Los Angeles Freeway in June.

Judy Woodruff [00:11:20] All the cable channels were following him with helicopters over the Los Angeles Freeway in June.

John Prideaux [00:11:27] Buffalo bills superstar O.J. Simpson was captured fleeing arrest in a white Ford Bronco for the murders of his ex-wife and her friend. It was the first live televised car chase and was so popular it interrupted the NBA finals broadcast. Over 95 million Americans watched it, making it the highest rated news event that year. Cable TV’s freedom to broadcast sensational stories in real time like this one upended old editorial norms. Judy Woodruff. By now a renowned journalist, ended up working at CNN but had at first been sceptical of cable news.

John Prideaux [00:11:27] Buffalo bills superstar O.J. Simpson was captured fleeing arrest in a white Ford Bronco for the murders of his ex-wife and her friend. It was the first live televised car chase and was so popular it interrupted the NBA finals broadcast. Over 95 million Americans watched it, making it the highest rated news event that year. Cable TV’s freedom to broadcast sensational stories in real time like this one upended old editorial norms. Judy Woodruff. By now a renowned journalist, ended up working at CNN but had at first been sceptical of cable news.

Judy Woodruff [00:12:07] We made fun of them in the beginning, I think we called it Chicken Noodle News. They were hiring people from quote unquote, local stations and people who had left the broadcast networks ABC, CBS and NBC. So it was as if they were, you know, they were hiring the rejects, which wasn’t true. When I went to CNN, we were very much devoted to covering all the news all the time.

Judy Woodruff [00:12:07] We made fun of them in the beginning, I think we called it Chicken Noodle News. They were hiring people from quote unquote, local stations and people who had left the broadcast networks ABC, CBS and NBC. So it was as if they were, you know, they were hiring the rejects, which wasn’t true. When I went to CNN, we were very much devoted to covering all the news all the time.

John Prideaux [00:12:28] Nearly two thirds of the households equipped for cable subscribed to it. In 1994.

John Prideaux [00:12:28] Nearly two thirds of the households equipped for cable subscribed to it. In 1994.

Judy Woodruff [00:12:34] It was more about how many eyeballs who’s watching? I remember. By the time I left CNN, we were spending days covering missing women, women who had been abducted. I called it the Missing Blonde syndrome because it was a story the public wanted to follow it.

Judy Woodruff [00:12:34] It was more about how many eyeballs who’s watching? I remember. By the time I left CNN, we were spending days covering missing women, women who had been abducted. I called it the Missing Blonde syndrome because it was a story the public wanted to follow it.

John Prideaux [00:12:51] Cable news, with its 24/7 coverage and global reach, helped create the boundaryless world Clinton presided over. But it also began to chip away at Americans shared experience. Television was previously controlled by three major networks. Everyone got more or less the same news. With cable, the number of services proliferated. And the audience fragmented.

John Prideaux [00:12:51] Cable news, with its 24/7 coverage and global reach, helped create the boundaryless world Clinton presided over. But it also began to chip away at Americans shared experience. Television was previously controlled by three major networks. Everyone got more or less the same news. With cable, the number of services proliferated. And the audience fragmented.

Rush Limbaugh [00:13:28] This is a special edition of the Rush Limbaugh program America Held Hostage. And now from our studios in New York City. Here is Rush Limbaugh, counting the days of the Raw Deal, a 394 of the Clinton presidency.

Rush Limbaugh [00:13:28] This is a special edition of the Rush Limbaugh program America Held Hostage. And now from our studios in New York City. Here is Rush Limbaugh, counting the days of the Raw Deal, a 394 of the Clinton presidency.

Rush Limbaugh [00:13:44] Known as a hostage crisis, with all of us being held captive to stay three.

Rush Limbaugh [00:13:44] Known as a hostage crisis, with all of us being held captive to stay three.

John Prideaux [00:13:50] Talk radio had a similar effect, launched in the late 80s. It grew from 59 to over 1000 stations in a decade. Rush Limbaugh, a college dropout and former DJ in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, made the most of it, quickly becoming a household name. A champion of the economic liberalism of the New Right, he backed free trade and was relaxed about immigration. Yet in tone and style, this was something very different to Reagan era conservatism, something much coarser. It appealed to the radical right, the roots of which could be traced back to George Wallace in 1968 and to the reaction to the campus radicalism of that period.

John Prideaux [00:13:50] Talk radio had a similar effect, launched in the late 80s. It grew from 59 to over 1000 stations in a decade. Rush Limbaugh, a college dropout and former DJ in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, made the most of it, quickly becoming a household name. A champion of the economic liberalism of the New Right, he backed free trade and was relaxed about immigration. Yet in tone and style, this was something very different to Reagan era conservatism, something much coarser. It appealed to the radical right, the roots of which could be traced back to George Wallace in 1968 and to the reaction to the campus radicalism of that period.

Rush Limbaugh [00:14:31] This president seems to behave as though he has no principles, as though he has no agenda, really, is that he has no, soul, as though he.

Rush Limbaugh [00:14:31] This president seems to behave as though he has no principles, as though he has no agenda, really, is that he has no, soul, as though he.

John Prideaux [00:14:40] Limbaugh, would like to rant about our domestic enemy, meaning the Democrats raged at feminazi and declared the fight over abortion rights are new civil war. He saw the distance between the frustrations and resentments of the heartland and a haughty new generation of Boomer politicians.

John Prideaux [00:14:40] Limbaugh, would like to rant about our domestic enemy, meaning the Democrats raged at feminazi and declared the fight over abortion rights are new civil war. He saw the distance between the frustrations and resentments of the heartland and a haughty new generation of Boomer politicians.

Lissa Muscatine [00:14:59] I think he had 20 million listeners or something like that. And so I think what happened was it shaped the narrative of the Clintons.

Lissa Muscatine [00:14:59] I think he had 20 million listeners or something like that. And so I think what happened was it shaped the narrative of the Clintons.

John Prideaux [00:15:07] Lissa Muscatine worked in the white House as a speechwriter for Hillary Clinton. Rush Limbaugh and his colleagues on talk radio and cable TV became a locus of opposition to the new First Family.

John Prideaux [00:15:07] Lissa Muscatine worked in the white House as a speechwriter for Hillary Clinton. Rush Limbaugh and his colleagues on talk radio and cable TV became a locus of opposition to the new First Family.

Lissa Muscatine [00:15:19] You know, they hated the Clintons, and so they found out that you could lie, you could scandal monger, you could create fear around this dynamic Southern Democrat who was for civil rights, who’d been against the Vietnam War, who was charismatic. You know, one of the most talented politicians of his generation.

Lissa Muscatine [00:15:19] You know, they hated the Clintons, and so they found out that you could lie, you could scandal monger, you could create fear around this dynamic Southern Democrat who was for civil rights, who’d been against the Vietnam War, who was charismatic. You know, one of the most talented politicians of his generation.

John Prideaux [00:15:39] For some, Clinton embodied the hopes of the 1960s for more liberal, more tolerant country. But many conservatives thought that long haired, licentious decade had ruined America, drowning decency in drugs, porn and broken families. For these people, Bill Clinton was all the sense of the 60s and 70s made flesh. And now the new norms of news media meant his real flaws were laid bare. The Washington Post reported how he was critiqued at every turn, the media scrutinising his golf game, ridiculing his eating habits and pestering his cat.

John Prideaux [00:15:39] For some, Clinton embodied the hopes of the 1960s for more liberal, more tolerant country. But many conservatives thought that long haired, licentious decade had ruined America, drowning decency in drugs, porn and broken families. For these people, Bill Clinton was all the sense of the 60s and 70s made flesh. And now the new norms of news media meant his real flaws were laid bare. The Washington Post reported how he was critiqued at every turn, the media scrutinising his golf game, ridiculing his eating habits and pestering his cat.

Lissa Muscatine [00:16:16] I mean, my father says, you know, when he was a kid, some news outlet reported what Herbert Hoover had for breakfast. And it was like like they couldn’t believe they were invading his privacy so much. But that was, you know, parallel to the rise of talk radio and Rush Limbaugh and these sort of cruder politicians and demagogue type of people. And.

Lissa Muscatine [00:16:16] I mean, my father says, you know, when he was a kid, some news outlet reported what Herbert Hoover had for breakfast. And it was like like they couldn’t believe they were invading his privacy so much. But that was, you know, parallel to the rise of talk radio and Rush Limbaugh and these sort of cruder politicians and demagogue type of people. And.

John Prideaux [00:16:49] Still, the most vicious forms of opposition began to emerge outside the TV and radio networks in the corners of the newly accessible internet. Here, an alternative reality informed by conspiracy theories was taking shape. In this version of events. With Moscow defeated, American patriots needed to guard against a new enemy, Washington itself. John Tunis observed how these stories often took on a quasi religious fervour.

John Prideaux [00:16:49] Still, the most vicious forms of opposition began to emerge outside the TV and radio networks in the corners of the newly accessible internet. Here, an alternative reality informed by conspiracy theories was taking shape. In this version of events. With Moscow defeated, American patriots needed to guard against a new enemy, Washington itself. John Tunis observed how these stories often took on a quasi religious fervour.

John Judis [00:17:18] What they have in common.

John Judis [00:17:18] What they have in common.

John Judis [00:17:19] Probably, is their roots in American religiosity and then different varieties of our religion. So, religious fundamentalism, that’s a fusion of that was politics.

John Judis [00:17:19] Probably, is their roots in American religiosity and then different varieties of our religion. So, religious fundamentalism, that’s a fusion of that was politics.

John Prideaux [00:17:34] A common theme amongst them emerged. Liberals were a satanic force led by a 60s hippie boomer president intent on stripping away freedom, especially the right to bear arms and destroying the real America from Washington. Lissa Muscatine watched how conspiracies bred suspicion of institutions and political opponents and infiltrated mainstream politics.

John Prideaux [00:17:34] A common theme amongst them emerged. Liberals were a satanic force led by a 60s hippie boomer president intent on stripping away freedom, especially the right to bear arms and destroying the real America from Washington. Lissa Muscatine watched how conspiracies bred suspicion of institutions and political opponents and infiltrated mainstream politics.

Lissa Muscatine [00:17:57] Hillary was under tremendous threat, as was Bill Clinton. I mean, they were frequent targets of violence. It wasn’t something that was the public knew, but she was probably more than any first lady targeted by the people who didn’t like her. It was the beginning of this license to use violence, that violence is okay and that making threats is okay. And it was nuts.

Lissa Muscatine [00:17:57] Hillary was under tremendous threat, as was Bill Clinton. I mean, they were frequent targets of violence. It wasn’t something that was the public knew, but she was probably more than any first lady targeted by the people who didn’t like her. It was the beginning of this license to use violence, that violence is okay and that making threats is okay. And it was nuts.

John Prideaux [00:18:20] Conspiracies proved a powerful narcotic for anti-government extremists, a potent combination of economic anxiety and far right ideology. By 1994, even The Phil Donahue Show, the epitome of comfy daytime TV, was not immune to the madness.

John Prideaux [00:18:20] Conspiracies proved a powerful narcotic for anti-government extremists, a potent combination of economic anxiety and far right ideology. By 1994, even The Phil Donahue Show, the epitome of comfy daytime TV, was not immune to the madness.

Phil Donahue [00:18:38] We are slowly being moved into a one world new world order, and if you don’t like it, you’re going to be moved off someplace where they can control you.

Phil Donahue [00:18:38] We are slowly being moved into a one world new world order, and if you don’t like it, you’re going to be moved off someplace where they can control you.

John Prideaux [00:19:00] When Clinton’s generation was young, some of them had been among those attacking President Lyndon Johnson with the greatest ferocity. Now it was their turn to be in the firing line.

John Prideaux [00:19:00] When Clinton’s generation was young, some of them had been among those attacking President Lyndon Johnson with the greatest ferocity. Now it was their turn to be in the firing line.

Newsreader [00:19:12] Washington. Crossfire. On the right, Pat Buchanan. Tonight. Sex, violence and Rock n roll in the crossfire.

Newsreader [00:19:12] Washington. Crossfire. On the right, Pat Buchanan. Tonight. Sex, violence and Rock n roll in the crossfire.

John Prideaux [00:19:24] Pat Buchanan was a cable TV regular and by 1994, figurehead of a new tribe of conservatives. He made his name by jettisoning Reagan’s embrace of free trade and openness to immigration. He preached the importance of borders, not least for protecting American workers. Paycheques. Dick Armey, the congressman for Texass 26th district, noticed how Buchanan stood out.

John Prideaux [00:19:24] Pat Buchanan was a cable TV regular and by 1994, figurehead of a new tribe of conservatives. He made his name by jettisoning Reagan’s embrace of free trade and openness to immigration. He preached the importance of borders, not least for protecting American workers. Paycheques. Dick Armey, the congressman for Texass 26th district, noticed how Buchanan stood out.

Dick Armey [00:19:50] I think it was the growing, appeal of, what I would call red meat rhetoric in politics. The public is so tired of an acquiescent Republican Party that they’re looking for somebody who will fight back. And Buchanan, of course, did that.

Dick Armey [00:19:50] I think it was the growing, appeal of, what I would call red meat rhetoric in politics. The public is so tired of an acquiescent Republican Party that they’re looking for somebody who will fight back. And Buchanan, of course, did that.

John Prideaux [00:20:11] But Army didn’t take him too seriously.

John Prideaux [00:20:11] But Army didn’t take him too seriously.

Dick Armey [00:20:14] Well, he was a militant protectionist. And I’m a I took my first lesson in economics from Adam Smith for large say no, I, I, I thought Buchanan frankly, I thought he was a joke.

Dick Armey [00:20:14] Well, he was a militant protectionist. And I’m a I took my first lesson in economics from Adam Smith for large say no, I, I, I thought Buchanan frankly, I thought he was a joke.

John Prideaux [00:20:28] By 1994, one issue above all others started to give Buchanan’s radical fringe some traction and expose a divide in the Republican Party. NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, was one Bush era policy embraced by Clinton and the New Democrats. It was in many ways, the totemic piece of Cold War legislation dissolving barriers and integrating the regional economy with America at its heart.

John Prideaux [00:20:28] By 1994, one issue above all others started to give Buchanan’s radical fringe some traction and expose a divide in the Republican Party. NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, was one Bush era policy embraced by Clinton and the New Democrats. It was in many ways, the totemic piece of Cold War legislation dissolving barriers and integrating the regional economy with America at its heart.

Bill Clinton [00:20:54] NAFTA became a symbolic struggle for the spirit of our country, and we are on the verge of a global economic expansion that is sparked by the fact that the United States, at this critical moment, decided that we would compete, not retreat.

Bill Clinton [00:20:54] NAFTA became a symbolic struggle for the spirit of our country, and we are on the verge of a global economic expansion that is sparked by the fact that the United States, at this critical moment, decided that we would compete, not retreat.

John Prideaux [00:21:14] But not everyone was happy to see the erosion of borders. In 1994, the foreign born share of the population was approaching 10%, double the level of the early 70s.

John Prideaux [00:21:14] But not everyone was happy to see the erosion of borders. In 1994, the foreign born share of the population was approaching 10%, double the level of the early 70s.

Ross Perot [00:21:25] And we’ve got to manufacture here. Believe it or not, folks, you can’t ship it all overseas. You gotta make it here. And you can’t convert from potato chips to aeroplanes and an emergency say, well, Iran could be converted from cars to aeroplanes in World War two because it was here. We’ve got to make things here. You just can’t ship them overseas anymore. I hope we talk more about that.

Ross Perot [00:21:25] And we’ve got to manufacture here. Believe it or not, folks, you can’t ship it all overseas. You gotta make it here. And you can’t convert from potato chips to aeroplanes and an emergency say, well, Iran could be converted from cars to aeroplanes in World War two because it was here. We’ve got to make things here. You just can’t ship them overseas anymore. I hope we talk more about that.

John Prideaux [00:21:46] Ross Perot was another high profile opponent of NAFTA. He had derailed George Bush senior’s re-election prospects in 1992 by running for a third party and peeling off conservative voters.

John Prideaux [00:21:46] Ross Perot was another high profile opponent of NAFTA. He had derailed George Bush senior’s re-election prospects in 1992 by running for a third party and peeling off conservative voters.

Ross Perot [00:21:59] You implement that NAFTA, the Mexican trade Agreement, where they pay people a dollar an hour, have no health care, no retirement, no pollution controls, etc., etc., etc. and you’re going to hear a giant sucking sound of jobs being thrown out of this country.

Ross Perot [00:21:59] You implement that NAFTA, the Mexican trade Agreement, where they pay people a dollar an hour, have no health care, no retirement, no pollution controls, etc., etc., etc. and you’re going to hear a giant sucking sound of jobs being thrown out of this country.

John Prideaux [00:22:15] Bill Kristol served in the Bush administration, which signed up to NAFTA. He says that even after Bush lost, establishment, Republicans like him didn’t take the backlash seriously enough.

John Prideaux [00:22:15] Bill Kristol served in the Bush administration, which signed up to NAFTA. He says that even after Bush lost, establishment, Republicans like him didn’t take the backlash seriously enough.

Bill Kristol [00:22:27] We paid attention to Perot. Buchanan. Obviously, we had to we were in the administration. They were problems for us. But I think we probably did dismiss it a little too much as kind of throwbacks or as a temporary. Surely they would go away. They did go away for a while.

Bill Kristol [00:22:27] We paid attention to Perot. Buchanan. Obviously, we had to we were in the administration. They were problems for us. But I think we probably did dismiss it a little too much as kind of throwbacks or as a temporary. Surely they would go away. They did go away for a while.

John Prideaux [00:22:40] From the outside. The journalist John Judis saw the rift for what it was.

John Prideaux [00:22:40] From the outside. The journalist John Judis saw the rift for what it was.

John Judis [00:22:45] The Republican Party splits into these different Walmart Republicans versus country club Republicans. You didn’t really see that kind of split before.

John Judis [00:22:45] The Republican Party splits into these different Walmart Republicans versus country club Republicans. You didn’t really see that kind of split before.

John Prideaux [00:22:56] Kristol would come to blame the loss of a common enemy.

John Prideaux [00:22:56] Kristol would come to blame the loss of a common enemy.

Bill Kristol [00:23:00] If the Soviet Union had existed, Buchanan would have been a little more strident critic than Bush. He would have not liked it when Bush negotiated with Gorbachev, perhaps. But at the end of the day, you know, the anti-communism would have tied people together. And Perot, who was a great patriot and a great supporter of the troops and so forth, very hard to imagine him challenging a Republican president, either party, to win the Cold War. John Buchanan could indulge his, as he called it, paleo conservatism and his, you know, rethinking of World War Two and his isolationism and nativism and all that which had been kept on the margins, obviously, of the Republican Party for the preceding two or 3 or 4 decades.

Bill Kristol [00:23:00] If the Soviet Union had existed, Buchanan would have been a little more strident critic than Bush. He would have not liked it when Bush negotiated with Gorbachev, perhaps. But at the end of the day, you know, the anti-communism would have tied people together. And Perot, who was a great patriot and a great supporter of the troops and so forth, very hard to imagine him challenging a Republican president, either party, to win the Cold War. John Buchanan could indulge his, as he called it, paleo conservatism and his, you know, rethinking of World War Two and his isolationism and nativism and all that which had been kept on the margins, obviously, of the Republican Party for the preceding two or 3 or 4 decades.

John Prideaux [00:23:37] NAFTA gave companies access to cheaper labour and expanded markets, benefiting Americans overall, but it disadvantage those in the crosshairs, like the American workers who were now in direct competition with their Mexican counterparts. And after NAFTA, immigration kept rising, making the policy increasingly divisive. Buchanan and Perot deepened those divisions. The Republican Party fragmented into warring factions in the future. New political figures would make the most of the opportunity this provided.

John Prideaux [00:23:37] NAFTA gave companies access to cheaper labour and expanded markets, benefiting Americans overall, but it disadvantage those in the crosshairs, like the American workers who were now in direct competition with their Mexican counterparts. And after NAFTA, immigration kept rising, making the policy increasingly divisive. Buchanan and Perot deepened those divisions. The Republican Party fragmented into warring factions in the future. New political figures would make the most of the opportunity this provided.

4. 1994 - Welcome to paradise

The 1940s cohort had finally made it to the White House. But with the Cold War over America would find a new enemy: itself

Transcript

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